One of the problems in the field of sex research has been a lack of
empirical testing of definitions. In the past, the term homosexual, for
example, has been used for individuals who are totally oriented towards the
same sex, as well as bisexual persons (a 6, a 5, or even a 3 on the Kinsey
scale, Kinsey, Pomeroy, & Martin, 1948). What is true for defining
homosexuality is even more true for the phenomena of transsexualism and
transvestism. The current definitions of who belongs to which group were
constructed by an accretion of clinical wisdom, based mostly upon observations
made by therapists who used the case study mode as their approach to a search
for understanding. Usually, the individuals who were observed were being
treated, so the treatment process may have entered into and even contaminated
the data gathering process. The purpose of this research was to test some of
the current assumptions about the characteristics of transvestites and male to
female transsexuals by divorcing the research from the treatment process.
Instead, the data were gathered from the points of view of the members of
these groups themselves. It was hypothesized that this subjective viewpoint
might reveal some commonalities which would distinguish transsexuals from
transvestites and both groups from homosexuals or heterosexuals. These two
groups were selected because the categories have been established
comparatively recently, and there is not always agreement about who belongs to
which group; there is still also considerable confusion of those two
categories with homosexuality. If they arc to be separate categories,there
ought to be a clear distinction among the three groups.
Transvestism (TV), as a phenomenon, has a long history, ranging from
mythical figures to medieval saints who cross dressed; from the many instances
of berdache in anthropological literature to historical figures such as the
Chevalier d'Eon (Bullough, 1974; Bullough, 1976). Still, the diagnostic
category was so uncertain that Kinsey did not include it in his examples of
sexual behavior (Kinsey et al., 1948), in spite of the fact that the term
transvestism appeared in the writings of Hirschfeld in two different books
entitled Die Tranvestiten (1925). Hirschfeld's term emphasizes the cross
dressing aspect of transvestism. Later writers, mostly post-Kinsey, have added
other characteristics, particularly after organized transvestite groups
appeared in this country and in Europe. Stoller (1871), for example, held that
transvestites have a fetish for the clothing of the opposite sex. Prince has
attempted to refine the definition further by arguing that "true"
transvestites are heterosexuals (Prince, 1978; Prince & Bentler, 1972), and,
by implication, she indicates that homosexuals who cross dress are not
transvestites. Prince, who classifies herself as a transvestite, has, at
times, used other terms such as femmephile to distinguish her definitions from
the more ambiguous term transvestism.
The transsexual phenomenon (TS), historically, is more difficult to
document (Bullough, 1976 Hoyer, 1933) since the surgical technology required
to meet the current usage of the term was not possible until well into the
20th century. The term was introduced in the literature in the article
"Psychopathia Transsexualism," by Cauldwell (1950). Benjamin popularized the
term transsexualism in a lecture at the New York Academy of Medicine in 195 3
(Benjamin, 1954). In that same year, the term reached public attention when
Christine Jorgensen, who had undergone sex change surgery, was featured in the
public press (Bullough & Bullough, 1977). Interestingly, the first scientific
description of the case labeled her a transvestite (Hamburger, Sturup, & Dahl-
Iversen, 1953). Obviously, as in the case of transvestism, the term
"transsexualism" is loaded with implications that go beyond the literal
meaning of a desire to change sex. Benjamin, for example, felt that
transsexuals considered their sex organs sources of disgust (Benjamin, 1954;
Buhrich & McConaghy, 1977). On the basis of our extensive personal contact
with transsexuals it is known that some who call themselves transsexuals and
have had considerable surgery to achieve that end, however, stop short at
their genitalia. This has been true of many female to male transsexuals. In
our experience a genitalia change does not necessarily change sex preference,
and there are numerous individuals who have completed surgery only to find out
that their sex preference was the same as before they began surgery. There is,
for example, a growing community of male to female transsexuals who are
lesbians. Others change both their sex and their sex preference. The issue of
just who is a transsexual has been complicated by the need, if only to protect
the surgeon from charges of mutilation or malpractice, for some kind of
counseling for those seeking surgery. Whether the gender dysphoria clinics
accept multiple definitions of what constitutes the condition of
transsexualism is undoubtedly debatable; among transsexuals and would-be
transsexuals, however, there is a widespread belief that only certain
responses are acceptable. The key element seems to be a statement by the
patient that he (in the case of males) feels like a woman trapped in a man's
body or vice versa (MacKenzie, 1978; Prince, 1978; Prince & Bentler, 1972). Is
there any agreement among the groups themselves as to who belongs to which
group?
Though numerous descriptive studies have been conducted of various sexual
groups, very few have been done of transvestites or transsexuals, perhaps
because they are not so numerous and are not as well organized. The earliest
large sample study of transvestite males was that by Prince and Bentler
(1972). Over 500 subscribers to the magazine Transvestia were studied by means
of a questionnaire focusing on their social and demographic characteristics.
The readership and the responses, in retrospect, seem to have been deeply
influenced by Prince 's own definition of the phenomenon. As editor of the
journal Transvestia and as a missionary for transvestism, Prince had
continually emphasized that transvestism was a heterosexual phenomenon which
differed radically from transsexualism (Prince, 1978). Consequently, the
magazine and the organized groups which grew out of it at first insisted on
the Prince definition, and, in the groups at least, those who did not conform
were re moved from membership. Still, in spite of this limitation, 11% of the
sample members in the Prince and Bentler survey did not classify themselves as
heterosexual. Overall, the subjects in this pioneering study tended to be well
educated with substantial incomes and responsible jobs.
Since the Prince and Bentler study, others have entered the field, but the
number of studies re mains limited. Buhrich and McConaghy (1977, 1978, 1979)
studied 34 transvestite and 29 transsexual men, along with 29 male homosexuals
gathered together from three different sources. The transsexual group members
had presented them selves to the Prince Henry Hospital Transsexual Clinic
seeking sex change surgery; the transvestites were club members, and the gay
males had sought psychiatric help because of their homosexuality. In a series
of articles, they reported demographic and behavioral differences among their
sample. The transsexuals were younger than the transvestites and they (the
TS's) were more likely to dress fully and to report homosexual interests than
the TV's. The TV's were older, and more likely to be heterosexual and to cross
dress only partially. They con cluded that these were two clinical entities.
MCauley and Ehrhardt (1977) studied 15 females requesting TS surgery who
ware presented for treatment at the psychoendrocrinology clinic, and 15
lesbian volunteers from local gay groups. Tests of cognitive function did not
discriminate between the two groups, but on the personality scales the
transsexual women were more stereotypically male, whereas the lesbians were
more androgynous. More female transsexuals held jobs that were within the male
dominated domain, whereas lesbians filled more neutral work roles. The authors
speculated that the more stereotypic responses may reflect a desire to be
convincing as males.
Studies Related to Childhood
A part of the scenarios often used to describe individuals from one of the
sexual minority groups has been to indicate that it was their childhood
experiences which formed them. This has been particularly true of the
psychoanalytic approach. Though only a few such studies have paid any detailed
attention to transvestites and transsexuals, those dealing with homosexuality
have sometimes made passing references to the topic. The so-called "Bieber
Mom," the dominant, overprotective, and closebinding woman who superintended a
family situation sufficiently pathological to induce sexual variation in her
child, has been utilized to explain transvestism and transsexualism (Bieber,
1962, 1968). Socarides' (1968, 1978) belief, that a key element in sexual
variation was a fixated wish for mother-child unity which resulted in behavior
designed to forestall such a powerful affective state threatening to destroy
the individual, has been used similarly. Although almost all recent studies
have challenged the picture for homosexuals (Bell, Weinberg, & Hammersmith,
1982; Whitam, 1980), no such challenge has been made for transvestism and
transsexualism. Stoller (1978) differentiated between two types of feminine
boys. The first type resulted from a mother-infant symbiosis in which the
father was totally absent. He saw this pattern as predisposing to child hood
transsexualism. The second and more common picture in his conceptual scheme
involved some separation from the mother and a situation of conflict marked by
hatred and blackmail of the boy by the mother so that his sense of self as a
male was threatened. Stoller visualized this as the precursor to castration
anxiety which, in turn, led to transvestism, effeminate homosexuality, and
transsexual patterns that are more conflict ridden than he first described.
Stoller held that in the case of the transsexual in particular, the father
would be physically absent but psychologically present in that he, the father,
is constantly cited by the mother as a model of failure. The totally absent
father is seen by Stoller as a less consistent but common feature of the
childhood of both homosexual and transvestite males. Stoller (1976, 1978),
however, questions whether the analysis of adults is a sufficient source of
information about what went on in infancy.
The psychoanalytic case study method has come under attack on the grounds
that it favors the sought for diagnosis, making it possible to construct a
pathological case for anyone, regardless of that individual's well-being
(Karlen, 1971; Mavahedi, 1975; Weinberg & Williams, 1974). To avoid this
charge Green (1974) approached the problem longitudinally in his study of
feminine boys. Although his review of the literature indicated that there were
a number of sociological and psychological variables for adult sexual
behavior, he believed that child hood socialization was a key process. In his
study, he identified such elements as a close relationship with the mother and
conscious or unconscious encouragement of feminine behavior patterns as
present in his case histories. In his study of 50 feminine boys, he reported
that 75% cross dressed before their 4th birthday and only 3% after their 6th
birthday, and that 93% of his boys began doll playing, which all children
probably exhibit and emphasized that he was describing marked and persistent
cross gender behavior. Green had originally studied five feminine boys; a
follow-up study of these was reported by Money and Russo (1979), who found all
five to be homosexual. In a follow-up on his own study, Green (1979) reported
that in the nine cases where genital contact had occurred there was a high
incidence of homo sexual and bisexual experience. Since most of the boys in
his sample were still in their early or middle adolescence, it is probably too
early to fully assess their adult sexual identity. One of the difficulties
with a study such as Green's is that we are not yet certain what childhood
factors to look for in any longitudinal study of transvestites and
transsexuals. It might be that feminine behavior is only one factor or might
not exist at all. Buhrich and McConaghy (1977, 1978, 1979) found the only
statistically significant family-related variable was that more of the
transvestite and transsexual subjects reported, that their mothers hoped for a
girl prior to their birth. No such report was made by the control groups.
In a Swedish study of 12 male and 12 female transsexuals, which compared
their subject with male army conscripts and female nulliparous pregnant women,
Uddenberg, Walinder, and Hojerback (1979) found significant differences
between transsexuals and other young adults. The transsexuals were much more
likely to report unsatisfactory relationships with parents than other young
adults. The pattern described by Stoller (1978) of intense relationship with
the opposite parent was found in only half of the male transsexuals and none
of the females. They concluded that probably both parents were important in
defining gender and sexual identity.
The implications of these studies seem rather limited. They support the
early genesis of these problems, as outlined by Money and Ehrhardt (1972), and
suggest that this period is not touched by their type of retrospective
studies. They suggest that gender misidentification may impair the parents'
efforts to establish satisfactory relationships with the child. If this is the
case, it would challenge some of the psychoanalytic concepts which put the
burden on the parents. Perhaps even the psychoanalytic explanation is the
result of, rather than a cause of, the behavior being described.
The major recent study of homosexuality is that of Bell, Weinberg, and
Hammersmith (1982). Their report also does much to dispel myths related to
some of the early psychoanalytic assumptions relative to homosexuals.
Focus of This Study
From this literature review, there are some assumptions and finding which
emerge that can be subjected to further testing. The first is the theme,
pervasive throughout the psychoanalytic literature, of the absent father, as a
basis not only for homosexuality, but also for transvestism and
transsexualism. Other assumptions focus on feminine behavior of boys and
childhood adjustment. These assumptions can be converted to the following
hypotheses:
a. Transvestites and transsexuals will be more likely to have grown up in a
family headed by a female than will members of the sexually unidentifies
comparison group but will be very similar to the homosexual comparison group.
b. Transvestites and transsexuals will be less likely to have engaged in
typical boy activities than will the sexually unidentified comparison group
and will have a pattern very similar to that of the homosexual group.
c. Transsexuals, because they are most rejecting of their childhood sex,
will report a less happy childhood than any of the other groups.
d. Transsexuals will report more academic difficulties as children than
members of other groups.
Several other foci, which also emerge from the literature review, were
examined but not as major hypotheses: demographic and social variable, life
histories, and current sex patterns of male to female transsexuals and
transvestites as compared to comparison groups of gay males and the group of
men whose sexual orientation was not identified. This article concentrates on
sex patterns and childhood differences.
Method
Subjects
Subjects were 65 transvestites (TV's), 33 male to female transsexuals
(TS's), 57 gay males, and an undifferentiated control group of 61 men.
Subjects, except for the undifferentiated control group, were identified by
their membership in organized groups. These sexual subcultures have been
described in several studies (Sagarin, 1969;Siegel & Zitrin, 1978; Warren,
1974). They are a well-known phenomenon in large cities and have been studied
at least since the time of Hirschfeld (1910) in Berlin. In Los Angeles, a few
of the more scholarly members of these groups are also members of, or friends
of, the local chapter of the Society for the Scientific Study of Sex. These
ties were used for locating members. The cooperating organizations included
three transvestite sororities (including two groups whose members had split
from the original Prince-sponsored TV group over definitional matters). The
TS's were members of a Southern California transsexual support group which
included both preoperative and post-operative persons who met for purposes of
mutual support and socializing. The gay comparison group came from a random
sample of an established city-wide gay organization and a nearby campus gay
group. The second comparison group included men from occupations represented
in the two samples, as well as a group of randomly selected college students
whose age was in the range of the transsexual sample. The occupational
population was obtained by searching through the library for local membership
lists of professional groups or trade unions similar to the groups to which
many of our transvestite and transsexual members belonged. This group was then
randomly sampled to obtain a mailing list. This group did not receive the
sexually oriented questions. They were used only for some baseline data
comparisons on the non-sexually oriented questions.
Questionnaire
The questionnaire was a nine-page instrument in four parts. The first part
dealt with background information about age, height, weight, occupation,
living arrangements, marital status, education, in come, parents, political
views, sports, etc. There were 28 items in this part. The second part was a
standardized Spence-Helmreich Scale (1978) and consisted of 24 questions. The
third part was the Texas Social Behavior Inventory (Helmreich, Stapp, & Ervin,
1974), a 16-question instrument. The fourth part consisted of a series of
questions about sex, cross dressing, and related matters. These questions were
pretested and revised, as necessary, prior to their use in this investigation.
Procedure
Each person was mailed a questionnaire. Mailing was done by the
organizations, except in the case of the unidentified comparison group. The
researchers furnished the postage. This procedure was followed to protect the
identity of the person who did not wish to respond.
The questionnaire was accompanied by a cover letter from us and the
organization of which they were a member. It indicated that the respondent had
been selected for participation in this research be cause of his membership in
that organization. It explained that the purpose of the research was to
clarify misconceptions concerning various erotic minority groups. All our
credentials were described and our telephone numbers indicated for those who
wanted further information.
The overall response rate was 60%. The response rate for the three erotic
groups was roughly comparable, but the response rate for the undifferentiated
group was somewhat lower. A follow-up letter to the latter group produced
additional responses, making the total percentage almost comparable to the
other three groups.
One obvious defect in this method of sample selection is that we reached no
truly isolated or nongroup members. A second limitation in the study related
to the sampling technique is the fact that studies have indicated that members
of organized groups tend to be better integrated into society, are more
affluent, and are better educated than the non-organized (Durkheim, 1951;
Nisbet, 1953). In defense, however, the sample is more representative of the
universe of transsexuals and transvestites than previous ones drawn from
patients who have presented themselves for psychotherapy. Interestingly, how
ever, 50% of the total sexually differentiated sample (including homosexuals)
reported that they had sought some type of counseling or psychotherapy, with
transsexuals being the most overrepresented in patient populations
(transsexuals, 93%; transvestites, 54%; homosexuals, 29%), perhaps because of
the requirements of reputable medical centers that there be psychiatric
evaluation before hormone therapy or surgery.
Results
The first hypothesis, which dealt with family patterns, was tested in
several ways. A summary of the responses to the question about who raised the
subjects is shown in Table 1. No statistically significant relationship
between group membership and parenting figures was found, x2 (6) = 8.56, p >
.05. In fact, comparisons of national data for female heads of household
(Table 2) suggest that absent fathers are no more common among the sexual
minority groups than they are in the general population.
Table 1
Summary of Responses to the Question: "By Whom Were You Raised?"
Both Parents Mother Othera
Transvestite (n = 65) 85% 8% 8%
Transsexual (n = 33) 79% 6% 15%
Homosexual (n = 57) 81% 16% 4%
Undifferentiated (n = 61) 89% 7% 2%
Note. X2(6) = 8.56. p > .05.
aIncluded father, grandparents, other relatives, and adoptive parents.
Table 2
National Statistics on the Percentage of Female Heads of Households
1978 25%
1970 21%
1960 18%
1950 15%
1940 15%
1930 19%
1890 14%
Note. From Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to
1970, United States Bureau of the Census. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government
Printing Office 1975; Statistical Abstract of the U.S., 1979, United States
Bureau of the Census. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1979
p. 47.
A summary of the data pertaining to mother's work status is contained in
Table 3. Whether the subjects' mothers worked when they were children emerged
as a statistically significant relationship. The transvestite group presented
the most extreme pattern: Members of this group were much more likely to have
had mothers whose occupation was listed as "housewife." Whether this is an
important finding or simply a function of the age and economic standing of the
TV group as compared to the others is not clear.
Other data, not shown in tabular form, were also sought to determine
whether family constellation and placement were important. Data relating
subjects' birth order (older, middle, younger, or only children) to the four
groups did not result in a statistically significant association. So, if the
mother tended to smother or favor a child, she apparently did so in a way that
was not related to birth order. Number of male and female siblings also proved
to be nonproductive. Thus, the psychoanalytic picture of the overwhelming
mother and absent father was not supported by the data.
The second cluster of hypotheses dealt with the masculine vs. feminine
behavior because of the emphasis on this behavior as a marker for later gender
and erotic development. The question was asked if sports were an important
part of the subject's adolescent life, and whether their involvement in sports
was a participant or an observer. Here, the TV's and the sexually unidentified
group stand out as most interested in sports, both as participants and as
observers. These data are summarized in Table 4.
Table 3
Subjects' Mothers' Work Status
Transvestites Transsexual Homosexuals Undifferentiated
(n = 58) (n = 30) (n = 52) (n = 60)
Housewife 81% 63% 56% 53%
Occupation indicated 19% 37% 44% 47%
Note.: x2(3) = 11.71, p < .01.
Table 4
Summary of Responses to the Question: "Were Sports an Important Part of
Your Adolescent Life?"
Responses
Transvestites Transexuals Homosexuals Undifferentiated
(n = 65) (n = 33) (n = 57) (n = 61)
No 23% 64% 51% 26%
Somewhat, as an observer 6% 6% 11% 3%
Somewhat, as a participant 26% 12% 26% 26%
Yes, as an observer 14% 6% Ñ 3%
Yes, as a participant 31% 12% 12% 41%
Note.: x2(12) = 31.90, p < .0001.
Table 5
Age First Cross Dressed
Age Transvestites Transsexals Homosexuals
(n = 63 (n = 33) (n = 51)
Up to age 10 73% 21% 7%
11-15 19% - -
16-20 2% 3% 2%
20-29 5% 3% -
50-59 2% - -
Never cross dressed - 73% 91%
x2(10) = 105.56, p < .001.
Table 6
Responses to an Open Ended Question Which Asked How Happy the Respondents
Were as Children.
Responses
Undifferentiated Transvestites Transsexuals Homosexuals
(n = 64) (n = 32) (n = 55) {n = 61)
Happy 38% 16% 64% 60%
Mixed 39% 34% 16% 21%
Unhappy 23% 50% 20% 19%
Note. x2(6) = 29.75, p < .0001.
One of the marks of feminine boys is youthful cross dressing and female
role modeling. Table 5 shows patterns of cross dressing. Here, the major
difference appeared between the transvestites and the other groups. (The
unidentified group was not asked this question.) Cross dressing, where it
existed started at an early age in all three groups, but as an index of later
behavior it would seem to be more predictive of transvestism than either
transsexualism or homosexuality. The transsexuals seem to be less focused on
clothing than the transvestites, and comparatively few of the homosexuals
crossdressed as children. This seems to be contrary to the Green (1979)
findings, but it could be that the TV's learned early to compensate for their
cross dressing by playing the masculine role fully enough to avoid questions
in the minds of their parents.
There was a cluster of variables related to child hood adjustment which
emerged as significant and tended to differentiate the groups from each other.
Respondents were asked how they would describe their childhood. In order to
get the subjects' impressions, each was asked to indicate whether they were
happy, lonely, full of guilt, etc. Responses were categorized as happy; as
mixed or neutral, which included both negative and positive responses; and as
unhappy, with only negative adjectives. These retrospective views of childhood
appear in Table 6. The transsexual group stands out as the most unhappy, with
the TV's intermediate, and the gay group the most happy.
Although not at such an extreme level, the transsexual group also perceived
themselves as poorer students. Table 7 shows responses to the question. "How
strong were you academically in high school?' Three choices were supplied: (l)
Excellent (A to B), (2) Fair (B to C),
Table 7
Summary of Responses to the Question: "How Strong Were You Academically in
High School?"
Academic Strength Transvestites Transsexual Homosexuals Undifferentiated (n = 65) (n = 33) (n = 57) (n = 61)
Excellent student (A to B) 35% 30% 47% 59%
Fair student (B to C) 54% 49% 53% 36%
Poor Student 11% 21% - 5%
Note. x2(6) = 21.57, p < .001.
Table 8
Sexual Orientation: Responses to the Question: "Are You More Sexually
Attracted to Males, Females, Both, or Neither?"
Attraction to Transvestites Transexuals Homosexuals
(n = 65) (n = 33) (n = 55)
Females 82% 24% 2%
Males 6% 52% 80%
Botha 12% 17% 17%
Neither 2% 6% 2%
Note. x2(6) = 98.65, p < .0001.
a"Both" included people who were attracted to males at one time in their
life and females at another time as well as currently active bisexuals.
Sexual Orientation
Since the inclusion of the subjects in the study was determined by their
ties to a subcultural grouping and these cultures carried a sexual identity
with them, we anticipated that there would be considerable uniformity within
the sample groups. This did not turn out to be the case. Table 8 indicates the
responses to the question, "Are you more sexually attracted to males, females,
both, or neither?" This question was not asked of the sexually unidentified
control group. Most noteworthy is the degree of blurring of the lines between
the groups. Although the majority of the homosexual sample was, in fact,
homosexual, and the majority of transvestites was heterosexual, an ambisexual
minority was evident in all the groups. This suggests that a definition of
transvestism limiting the phenomenon to heterosexual males is much too
confining. Even among groups who proclaim their heterosexuality there is
considerable ambivalence. Some of the transsexuals had serial orientations:
having been attracted to females at one point in their lives and then, having
decided they were transsexuals, they switched over. Not all changed their
preference in sexual partners, and one of the post-operative transsexuals
included in the sample is a leader in the lesbian movement. Though such a
situation is decried by Raymond in The Transsexual Empire (1979), it should be
emphasized that a desire to change one's sexual identity may or may not
involve a change in sexual orientation.
Table 9
Gender Identity & Self-descriptions
Descriptions Transvestite Transsexuals Homosexuals
(n = 65) (n = 33) (n = 57)
Woman trapped in male body 11% 64% 4%
Man trapped in female body 2% - -
Man with feminine side 46% 6% 14%
Woman with masculine side 3% 3% 4%
Person who enjoys opposite clothing 37% - 4%
Other:
a. Gay - - 75%
b. Woman - 27% -
c. Chromosomal Disorder 2% - -
Note. x2(14) = 135, p = .0001.
Sexual Identity
In an effort to see how some of the phrases from the sex and gender
identity literature matched with the self-perception of the subjects, a
question was posed asking respondents to describe gender identity and interest
in cross dressing in some of the terms used by the various sexual subcultures.
Those terms and the responses are shown in Table 9. As can be noted, 75% of
the members of the gay sample rejected these alternative. Their self-
perception was in terms of their homosexual sex preference. Only a few
endorsed statements suggesting any blurring of gender identity. Members of the
transvestite sample chose all possible gender identities, although the two
most popular phrases were that of a man with a feminine side and a person who
enjoys wearing the clothing of the opposite sex. Eleven per cent, however,
chose the statement that they were women trapped in a man's body, and one
person explained that he was born with a chromosomal disorder. The majority of
the transsexual sample accepted the traditional view of themselves as having
been born women but trapped in male bodies. Unfortunately, however, this term
is known to have evaluation which clears the way for surgery (MacKenzie,
1978). The sample members were part of the transsexual subculture, and one of
the important functions of that subculture is to orient its members to the
appropriate answers which one gives to the psychiatric or psychological
evaluator.
Table 10
Responses to the Question: "To What Extent Are You Interested In Sex
Change?"
Interest Transvestites Transsexuals Homosexuals
(n = 65) (n = 33) (n = 51)
Not at all 54% 3% 96%
Looked into the possibility
and rejected it 20% - -
Am favorably inclined 2% 15% 2%
Have taken or am now taking
sex hormones 25% 49% 2%
Have had surgery - 33% -
Note. x2(8) = 126, p < .0001.
Though transsexuals are obviously the groups who have dealt with the sex
change surgery in the most direct way, consideration of the possibility of sex
change or actual sex change was also found in all the groups, as noted in
Table 10. Clearly the emphasis is different in the three groups but the
blurring of lines is also seen. One "transsexual" indicated he was not at all
interested in the complete sex change, although he considered himself a
transsexual. Nearly half of the transvestites have either considered sex
change or taken sex hormones, and two members of the gay sample had seriously
thought of sex change. Note, also, that only 33% of the TS sample members are
completely post-operative. This suggests that the transsexual subculture may
be most important pre-operatively. Young men who feel that they somehow do not
fit into established traditional gender identities apparently seek out the
group for support and advice during the decision making process. Only a small
minority of the post operative TS's known to the authors actually participate
in the TS groups after surgery.
Table 11
Detailed List of Occupations
Occupations Rating Transvestites Transsexuals Homosexuals Undifferentiated
Waiter/waitress 49 1 1
Refinery worker 50 1
Security guard 50 1
Dance instructor 53 1
Cook 55 1
Warehouseman 55 1
Salesperson/clerk 56 6 1 4 7
Medical assistant 57 1
Truck driver 59 1
Mechanic 62 3 1
Foreman-laborer 62 1
Piano repairman 63 1
Beauty operator/hairdresser 63 2 5 1
Machine operator 63 2
Fireman 63 1
Recreation assistant 63
Student 64 1 3 13 10
Electrician 65 1 1
Carpenter 65 1
Small businessman (manager) 67 3 2
Telephone operator 67 1
Housewife 68 1
Real estate agent 69 2
Insurance agent 69 1
Office clerical,data processing,
teller 70 1 6 5 1
Dispatcher 71 1
Survey researcher 71 1 1
Retired 71 1 1 1 2
Child care (handicapped) 71 1
Technician 75 4 1 3
Small businessman (owner) 76 1
Music engraver 78 1
Artist 78 4 1 1
Advertising 78 1 1
Writer/author 78 5 1 1
Actor/musician 78 2 2 2
Owner/manager 80 1 1
Contractor 80 1 2
Safety director 80 1
Librarian 81 1 1
Teacher 81 1 1
Stockbroker/investor 81 3 1 3
Accountant 81 3
Administrator 81 5 1 3
Counselor 81 3 1
Health professional 83 1
Banker 85 1
Engineer 86 10 1 1 13
Pilot 86 1
Lawyer 89 1 2 3
College professor 90 1 1 1
Physician 93 1
In sociological terms, one of the most important factors relating to an
individual's self-identification as a TV, as distinguished from a TS, was
income and occupation. A standard scale of occupational prestige developed by
Hodge, Siegel, and Rossi (1964) was used to rank the subjects. This scale
utilizes a range between 94 for Supreme Court justices and 34 for workers at
the lowest level of occupational prestige (shoe-shining). An average
occupation ranks at 71. A detailed list of the jobs held by members of the
four groups is shown in Table 11 and the summarization is shown in Table 12.
Table 12
Occupation Level of the Four Subsamples Split at the Median of the Total
Sample
Transvetites Transsexuals Homosexuals Undifferentiated
Occupational Level (n = 63) (n = 32) (n = 53) (n = 60)
Above median 64% 31% 30% 48%
Below median 37% 69% 70% 52%
Note x2(3) = 16.03, p < .001.
Though the median of the total sample was 75, which places it somewhat
above the national aver age, the transvestite sample was heavily represented
in the mainstream white collar world, including engineering, accounting,
teaching, sales, and clerical work. These men clearly are high prestige
workers, and, except for the two hairdressers and the per forming artists,
they were not represented in stereotypically feminine jobs. On the other hand,
the transsexuals were much more likely to choose the feminine image jobs, with
five hairdressers among their ranks. The gay group showed greater occupational
variation, although again transvestites as a group had the highest median.
Discussion
Although the data suggest that there is considerable blurring of
categories, certain things, not always anticipated by the TS's in their
preparation to pass the psychiatric examination for surgery, appear important.
TS's are more likely to be unhappy in their childhood and to seek employment
in low status occupations, many of which are usually held by women. One of the
differences between the transsexuals and transvestites has been the
willingness of the transsexual to assume publicly the role of the opposite sex
to which they were born. The transvestites, with Prince as a major exception,
have carefully protected their male identities. They presented a feminine
persona only on occasions when they cross dressed in seclusion. To do more was
to risk exposure, and with this, a significant status loss.
The history of an unhappy childhood and poor academic performance found in
the transsexual sample has implications in light of the differences both with
gays and transvestites, as well as with the sexually undifferentiated samples.
It might well be that the existence of a category of transsexual has allowed
many of the people with the most troubled childhoods and most marginal adult
occupations and happiness to classify themselves as transsexuals rather than
homosexuals. This suggests that many of the early case studies on
homosexuality are no longer valid, since those so classified might today have
been classified as transsexual.
The absent father as a variable simply did not hold up in this study. If
sports and cross dressing can be thought of as clues as to what is regarded as
feminine behavior in young boys, the evidence is contradictory. TV's were most
interested in sports, and they also participated most actively in cross
dressing. Gays and TS's were not so sports-minded, and although some TS
subjects also cross dressed, hardly any of the gays did. From what the
individuals can reconstruct of their childhood on a questionnaire, few would
have acted in an overly feminine manner. The family constellation of the
groups also lacked significance, although the transsexuals again seem to have
been the most marginal. The sample is still too small to make any firm
generalizations, but it would seem that there might well be an overemphasis on
childhood in the psychoanalytic literature, at least as it relates to
relationships with parents. It might well be that, ultimately, whether a
person classifies himself as a transvestite or as a transsexual relates to his
success in the world at large. Transvestites were eminently successful, were
heavily into male identified occupations, and, outwardly, seemed secure in
their role as males. Perhaps the very security of success in the male world
carries a burden which the adoption of a feminine persona allows them to
escape. If this speculation is correct, transvestites might well be
distinguished from transsexuals in their life goal orientation and their
motivation towards material satisfaction and occupational prestige. Success in
these lines makes them unwilling to risk more than periodic cross dressing.
Failure to be successful in these areas might well encourage them to adopt
more radical solutions such as surgery. This, however, is only a speculation.
There are obvious differences between the various groups, but there is also
a considerable overlap among them. Perhaps, as the definitions become further
refined and the self-selection process develops, there will be less overlap.